NK SINGH
During my recent
visit to Chhindwara, after a gap of almost two decades, I was happily surprised
to find the dusty, backward town in the backyard of god’s own forgotten country
transformed into a glittering, prosperous urban growth centre.
When I visited the
town in the early 80s, it was difficult to find a lodge that would supply a
bucket of hot water for bath. Now it boasts of a number of decent hotels and
resorts. I remember going around frantically for a typewriter ribbon. Now there
are swanky shopping malls.
Not long
ago I had to send a car all the way from Bhopal to Chhindwara for my visiting
editor because AC cabs were not available there. Today the town has huge
showrooms of all major auto brands. The friendly neighbourhood goldsmith shops have
given way to dazzling outlets of jewellers, reeking of prosperity. You need
money floating around the town to sustain this kind of private enterprise.
The town
has developed good infrastructure. It is surrounded by a 60 km four-lane ring
road that could be the envy of any major city. If a district town has Standard
Chartered Bank, along with all nationalised and private banks, what does that
signify? Money. Chhindwara remains essentially a small town. But it is a decent
small town with modern amenities. I was impressed.
I had heard
of Chhindwara Model a few weeks before that trip. I dismissed it as
election-eve hype by a street-smart politician jockeying for power and trying
to create a larger than life image for himself and his purported achievements
in an obscure corner of the state.
But the transformation of the town made me
explore Chhindwara model. What is it? How did Kamal Nath, who has represented
the area in the parliament for almost four decade, bring economic growth to a
backward region that sustained largely on agrarian economy and depleting
resources of coalmines.
Most
politicians, when they think about development, go for roads, irrigation,
power, drinking water, health and education, the basic responsibilities of a
welfare state. Nath also went for these things with a single minded pursuit. At
ease in the labyrinth of Lutyens’ politics, he would work his political
connections and corner most of the new development schemes for his
constituency.
As a reporter covering politics and administration in New Delhi
in the 90s, I discovered that Chhindwara would invariably figure on the map of
any new pilot project being undertaken by the Government of India or the MP
Government.
When it
comes to industrialisation, most influential politicians normally bring in public
sector units, the easier option. But from the beginning Nath, using his
corporate connections, tried to rope in private sector, particularly major
players like Hindustan Lever, Raymond and Britannia, known to be more
sustainable. Two hundred new industrial plants, including a string of food
processing units, brought a little prosperity to the area.
But they failed to
create more jobs for local population as skilled workforce was not available
locally. So Nath moved in to the next phase of development in 2006 that became essentially
the core of the Chhindwara Model.
Long before
Narendra Modi would launch his Skill India project in 2015, Chhindwara became a
hub of skill training centres. “Today it has the largest concentration of
training centres anywhere in the world,” Nath proclaims proudly. It is a model
that ultimately leads to job creation, bringing in overall prosperity to the
region.
Among the top names who impart skill training to local youth are CII, L&T,
Ambuja Cement, Ashok Leyland, IL&FS, NIIT, Mahindra group, Taj Hotels,
Toyota Kirloskar and JCB India. This was made possible by Nath’s pro-active
attitude and corporate style of working. NR Narayana Murthy approached him for
help with H1B visa for Infosys employees. Recalls Nath, “I asked him, what can
you do for me?”
The skill
training and availability of trained workforce has helped companies like Tata
and Aegis open call centres in the interior of the district! Nath is clear in
his mind what he wanted: “My criterion is jobs. I don’t want to know how many
people have been trained. I want to know how many got jobs.”
It is easy
to run down Chhindwara model as an oasis of prosperity. But suppose Shivraj
Singh Chouhan had adopted a similar
attitude for his backward Budhni, or Sushma Swaraj for Vidisha? Suppose, three
generations of Scindias had created a similar oasis in Guna that they have
represented almost for 50 years. Or Digvijay Singh had worked with such
devotion for Raghogarh. Churhat remains almost as backward as it was in the 50s
when Ajay Singh’s grandfather was a minister.
Such small oasis of prosperity can
have rippling effect, as Chhindwara has shown.
DB Post 8 December 18
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