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एमपी इलेक्शन: सर्वे की कोख से निकली लिस्ट

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  Kamal Nath is going out of way to prove he is not anti-Hindu MP Assembly Election Update: 14 October 2023 NK SINGH कमलनाथ के प्लान के मुताबिक काँग्रेस की लिस्ट इस दफा सर्वे-नाथ ने बनाई है। प्रदेश के नेताओं में आम तौर पर सहमति थी कि लिस्ट इस बार सर्वे के आधार पर बनेगी। पर क्या यह महज संयोग है कि यह लिस्ट राहुल गांधी के गेम-प्लान के मुताबिक भी है? वे अपनी पार्टी के क्षत्रपों के कार्टेल को ध्वस्त करना चाहते हैं, जो 10-15 एमएलए के बूते पर प्रदेश की पॉलिटिक्स चलाते हैं। सर्वे की कोख से निकली लिस्ट कमोबेश जीत की संभावना के आधार पर बनी है। एनपी प्रजापति जैसे अपवादों को छोड़कर कोई सप्राइज़ नहीं। बीजेपी की लिस्ट देखते हुए, काँग्रेस इस बार फूँक-फूक कर कदम रख रही थी। भाजपा उम्मीदवारों की पांचों लिस्ट 2018 के मुकाबले काफी बेहतर थी। नाम दिल्ली ने तय किए, प्रदेश के किसी भी नेता के प्रभाव से परे। चयन का आधार गुटबाजी नहीं, जीत की संभावना रही। इसलिए, दोनों तरफ के उम्मीदवारों का लाइन-अप देखकर लगता है, मुकाबला कांटे है। टिकट न मिलने से निराश नेताओं की बगावत का दौर शुरू हो गया है। यह हर चुनाव में होता है।

The Arjun Singh camp outwits Scindia and the Shuklas to get Digvijay Singh elected

His Master’s Choice


N.K. SINGH


It is a measure of the intriguing nature of the leadership struggle in the Congress(I) that nobody is talking about the plans and priorities of the new Chief Minister Digvijay Singh for Madhya Pradesh.

Scant attention has been paid to his announcement to review all the controversial decisions of the BJP government. Or that he plans action against government employees who were involved with the activities of the VHP and Bajrang Dal and the demolition of the Babri Masjid. Or that he has asked the chief secretary to formulate a government policy to fulfil the party's poll promises.

Instead, questions keep recurring about the curious set of events that led to his surprise election as the leader of the Congress Legislature Party (CLP). Did Digvijay become the chief minister against the wishes of his mentor, Arjun Singh? Or, as the rival camp suggests, has the crafty Singh succeeded in his strategy of installing his protege in power? Why is Singh's supporter, Central minister Kamal Nath, issuing public statements against him?

The inside story of events leading to Digvijay assuming power shows dirty politics at its dirtiest. It makes the Singh group chuckle. And the camps led by Madhavrao Scindia and the Shukla brothers go red in the face.

The Singh group had earlier demanded that the next chief minister should be an SC or ST candidate. But that was simply to scuttle the chances of S.C. Shukla, a Brahmin and Singh's worst foe in Madhya Pradesh. But even after Singh's group returned a majority of the 174 party MLAs, it was not confident of defeating Shukla.

Arjun Singh joins hands with Scindia

So, Singh joined hands with Scindia, promising that he would sponsor a candidate from the SCs/STs or an OBC, preferably Subhash Yadav. Scindia assured his support for Yadav but clarified that he would never back Digvijay, whom he dislikes. 

Initially, Shukla was banking on support from Delhi. But when the high command shirked from guiding the CLP meeting, he contacted Scindia for his support. Scindia was noncommittal, mainly because he does not like Shukla and because he had already promised to support Yadav.

But the night before the CLP meeting, Digvijay threw his hat in the ring with Kamal Nath's help. Next morning as the 90-odd MLAs of the Singh camp met, most of them were in Digvijay's favour. Yadav had few supporters apart from Ajit Jogi, MP and Singh's courtier. 

Singh just made a vague speech about the need to elect an SC, ST or OBC candidate, adding that the final decision was the MLAs'. (Interestingly, Digvijay, an MP, did not stand in the elections. Now, his brother, Laxman Singh, will vacate the Raghogarh seat he won for Digvijay.)

Scindia ready to fly

Meanwhile, the Scindia group received news (possibly planted) that the Singh camp was on the verge of a split. Scindia, who was in readiness to fly to Bhopal, thought it was the right time to jump into the fray. So at one stage he even told Shukla: "Why don't you propose my name?" Shukla promptly refused.

By the time the Singh group resolved its 'dispute' in Digvijay's favour, Shukla as well as Scindia's MLAs were thoroughly demoralised for being kept on tenterhooks for so long. Only when the CLP meeting was underway did Scindia tell his supporters to back Shukla. But the confusion ensured 103 votes for Digvijay.

But what happened to Arjun Singh's resolve to have a Harijan, tribal or OBC as chief minister? He apparently wrote a letter to S.C. Shinde, the party's poll observer for the state, to this purpose. He also staged a walkout from the CLP meeting after he was not allowed to speak on the subject. But as Shinde has reportedly remarked: "If he was so sincere, he should have proposed a name." Singh's justification: "I also wanted the democratic will to prevail."

In fact, one theory is that Singh wanted to teach Yadav a lesson because at the time of ticket distribution Yadav had gone and joined hands with Shukla. It appears that Singh retaliated by getting some of the party tickets distributed in Yadav's home district, Khargone, against his wishes. An enraged Yadav used an intermediary to strike a deal with Shukla.

Singh's masterstroke

In the final analysis, Singh has emerged as the master of Madhya Pradesh politics. Kamal Nath's public outburst against Singh seems to be part of a strategy to create confusion to let the Singh group also capture the next prize post, vacated by the resignation of Digvijay as the MPCC(I) president.

Yet, as the dust settles on the bitter power struggle, one thing is apparent: the CLP seems to have made a sensible choice in the energetic and intelligent Digvijay Singh.
One of his admirers, Mahila Congress leader Sarla Mishra says: "Given the opportunity, he can carry everyone with him in the star-studded but faction-ridden party."

Digvijay lost no time in trying to win friends. The day after defeating Shukla in the CLP, he went to his house to seek his blessings. He reportedly told Shukla: "I was the sapling you had planted in the Congress garden 20 years ago. I am sure you will be happy at my rise." Then in a tactical move, he sought permission to groom Shukla's son, Amitesh, for a political career.

Challenge from BJP

Besides party disunity, Digvijay also faces a challenge from the BJP. But he is confident that if the Congress(I) addresses itself to its traditional constituency - the Harijans, tribals and the poor - he can fight the BJP on a plank about which the party is at sea. To discredit the BJP, he will review the decisions of the previous government including the tendu leaf policy, lottery contracts and land allotments to the Sangh family workers at throwaway prices.

As MPCC(I) chief he had given a sharp ideological profile to his party in contrast to the BJP's pro-rich image. This will also come handy as he tackles the BSP, which has cut heavily into the Congress(I)'s vote banks. His solution is to work for the betterment of the oppressed and treat Government employees well, many of whom have helped the BSP along.

Given this context, he has set the right priorities for himself: an unemployment allowance, land to the landless, free electricity to small farmers, and electricity and drinking water to all villages. And even if he only partially achieves this agenda, the 20th chief minister of Madhya Pradesh will have a smooth ride.



Interview 

DIGVIJAY SINGH

“I don’t want casteism in reverse”

The widespread perception that Digvijay Singh, 46, is one politician who never forgets to return a call is all part of a reputation as a pleasant good-natured man built up over a career spanning 25 years. Revelling in his double celebration - on December 7, he was sworn in as Madhya Pradesh chief minister and two days later his daughter was getting married - Digvijay Singh spoke to Special Correspondent N.K. Singh during the wedding celebrations at his New Delhi home. Excerpts:

Q. Your election has raised a controversy because of Arjun Singh saying that he wanted an SC/ST to be made chief minister.

A.  I do not agree. There are upper caste leaders who have served the cause of the oppressed castes. Mahatma Gandhi did not belong to the Harijans. If I am born in a particular caste, it does not mean that I would not do justice towards other communities. If we impose such restrictions, it would be casteism in reverse. My constituency has only 3 per cent upper caste votes. The backward castes and the Harijans have faith in me.

Q. What will be the role of S.C. Shukla in the new Government?

A.
I had joined the Congress(I) at his behest. I am confident of his full cooperation.

Q. Your party's election manifesto makes many promises. Will they be fulfilled?

A. Yes. I have given our election manifesto to the chief secretary and asked him to formulate policy accordingly.

Q. What about the separate Chhattisgarh state issue?

A.
It would be the endeavour of my government to speed up the region's development. But if it fails, we will approach the Centre for the formation of a  separate state.

Q. Will you undo any step taken by the previous BJP government?

A.  There will be an overall review of all the BJP's controversial decisions. Required changes will be made. We have already promised inquiries into the scandals relating to tendu leaves and other minor forest produce, lottery contracts and land allotments to BJP workers.

Q. There was just a 2 per cent difference in the total votes polled by you and the BJP.

A. I recognise that challenge. If we implement the election promises and look after the traditional constituencies of the Congress(I), the BJP will be wiped out.

Q. The BSP has cut into the Congress(I)'s traditional votebanks. How will you meet this challenge?

A. I do not see much problem there. As a first step, I propose to grant recognition to the SC and ST Employees Federation. I plan to give good postings to SC/ST and backward officers. There is a need to increase job reservations to 25 per cent in the state. If these decisions are implemented, the BSP will have little base left.

India Today, 31 December 1993

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